taken from planetout.com
Butch-Femme
Culture
by David Bianco, author of "Gay Essentials"
(Alyson Publications), a collection of his history columns.
"Butch-femme"
usually signifies the lesbian bar culture of the middle part of the
20th century. But the origins of butch-femme identity may go back
at least 100 years before that time, and its social and cultural legacy
continues to the present day.
The exact
origins of butch-femme identity are unknown, though there are scattered
19th-century references to female companions who might be the precursors
of later butches and femmes. In the 1820s, for example, "Miss
Willson and Miss Brundage" were two unmarried women who lived
together on a farm in upstate New York. Sarah Brundage wore the pants
in the family -- literally -- and undertook traditionally male chores,
like plowing and planting. In contrast, Mary Ann Willson performed
the more "womanly" tasks of caring for their cabin and painting
watercolors. Their relationship inspired the 1972 lesbian novel "Patience
and Sarah."
In a
New England newspaper 20 years later, writer and critic William Cullen
Bryant made a brief reference to another proto-butch-femme couple
whom he had encountered in northern Vermont. "One of them ...
might be said to represent the male head of the family," Bryant
wrote; the other he described as "a gentle companion, ... a fond
wife."
In the
late 19th and early 20th centuries, a number of upper-class women
paired off in romantic relationships, with one partner perceived as
"mannish" in appearance and manner, while the other was
more traditionally "feminine." Poet Amy Lowell, for example,
smoked cigars and wore tailored suits, while her companion, Ada Dwyer
Russell, gave up her career on the stage to type Lowell's manuscripts.
Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas were another prominent female couple
whose relationship incorporated traditional heterosexual gender roles;
the two even referred to each other as "Hubbie" and "Wifie."
In the
1920s British writer Radclyffe Hall immortalized a butch-femme couple
in her novel "The Well of Loneliness." Hall's Stephen Gordon
was a classic butch woman, based on actual case studies of female
"inverts" from the files of sexologist Havelock Ellis, who
thought of lesbians as men trapped in women's bodies. By contrast,
Stephen's lover Mary was more feminine and therefore not a true invert.
Lesbian historians have suggested that Hall's widely read novel may
have set the stage for the butch-femme culture that began forming
in American cities in the following decade.
Unlike
Hall's focus on aristocrats, recent historians have studied working-class
butch-femme couples of the mid-20th century. With the rise of industrialization
and the growth of cities in the years following both world wars, working-class
women were freer to move away from their families, find jobs, remain
unmarried, and form social networks. An urban lesbian subculture began
to emerge and thrive particularly well in bars -- havens where women
could meet each other for love and friendship.
The subculture
of lesbian bars had rules that governed its membership: a lesbian
(or "gay girl," as was often said at the time) was either
butch or femme. Codes for dress and behavior were strict. One lesbian
bar in Massachusetts even had separate washrooms, with doors marked
"butches" and "femmes."
Butches
-- or studs, as they were also called -- dressed in male attire, held
doors for their femmes, and lit their cigarettes. But "I never
considered myself being a man," Mabel Hampton, an African-American
lesbian said of her butch identity. "I never liked the men that
much. And anything I don't like, I don't take up." Femmes, on
the other hand, cultivated a more traditionally feminine appearance
and manner, often wearing high heels and makeup and acting demure.
Some
lesbians found it difficult to find a place for themselves within
this strict dichotomy. In her memoirs, poet Audre Lorde described
the quandary of being unable to identify as either butch or femme.
"I wasn't cute or passive enough to be 'femme,' and I wasn't
mean or tough enough to be 'butch,'" Lorde wrote. "I was
given a wide berth." Women who refused to choose one or the other
role were sometimes called "kiki."
Besides
being a social set-up, butch-femme identity also constituted a security
system. Butch-femme couples, who were more obviously queer than middle-class
lesbians, often faced anti-gay harassment, rape, and other violence.
Butches, who were seen as usurping male privilege, were particularly
targeted by straight men. The butch's job was to protect herself and
her femme. "I took care of my woman," Hampton said proudly
of her long relationship with Lillian Robinson.
Sometimes
violence erupted among butches themselves, though. One lesbian in
Buffalo recalled a raucous night in a bar when "glasses were
flying and everything. I remember I went under a table and thought,
'Oh God! What is this?'" But the woman continued to frequent
the bar because it was the only place in town, she noted, "where
I could get to know people like me."
With
the coming of the women's liberation movement, some lesbians of the
1960s and 1970s dismissed butch-femme roles as imitative of heterosexuals.
In place of butch-femme, many lesbians opted for an androgynous look
and manner as a feminist political statement.
But butch-femme
roles earlier in the century were political, too. They provided a
way for lesbians to maintain a separate space for themselves and survive
in a hostile environment, and that in turn led to the forging of lesbian
identities. In the 1980s, many lesbians began to reclaim butch-femme
identity, and it remains an important means of expression in contemporary
lesbian culture.
For Further Reading:
Case, Sue-Ellen. "Toward a Butch-Femme Aesthetic," "Discourse"
11 (1988-89).
Kennedy,
Elizabeth Lapovsky, and Madeline Davis. "Boots of Leather, Slippers
of Gold" (Routledge, 1993).
Nestle,
Joan, ed. The Persistent Desire: A Femme-Butch Reader (Alyson, 1992).